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"IDEAS
FOR DEMOCRATS, II: WHY DON’T THE DEMOCRATS...?” Steven Jonas, MD, MPH “Why
Don’t the Democrats?” This is a common plaint heard among left-wing
Democrats, among old-style New Deal Democrats, among progressive Democrats,
among many traditional liberal Democrats, among all sorts of Democrats that is,
except the so-called “New Democrats,” lead by the Democratic Leadership
Council (DLC). It was put together by certain sectors of the Party
leadership in the 1980s. In this column, I attempt to provide some answers
to that question. To
begin that task we must first look at the DLC a bit. It was designed to
counter the identity-group Democratic Party politics that had developed in the
1960s that eventually lead to the Presidential nomination of George McGovern in
1972. That nomination had been opposed by significant sectors of the
Democratic Congressional leadership. The stone-faced visage of “Scoop”
Jackson, the “Senator from Boeing” (nominally from the State of They
were right about the dead-endedness of identity group politics. You cannot
win on a national scale by having a platform made up of pieces appealing to one
identity group after another with nothing tying those pieces together.
This is surely not to say that equality for women, a peace-first/shoot-later
multi-lateral foreign policy, civil rights, environment protection and
preservation, labor rights, gay rights and protections, establishing an
equitable and cost-effective national health care system, and so on and so forth
are not among the most important central political objectives of any Democratic
Party that it is to live up to its name and its history. It
is to say that the way they were put forth in the McGovern era, with no central
bring-them-all-together themes a) didn’t work, and b) made them and the
Democratic Party an easy target for the ever-rightward lurching Republicans, as
well as for rightward-lurching leadership Democrats. The
first DLC candidate-in-fact although without the label and without the
organization was that nice, totally inexperienced, one-term Southern governor,
Jimmy Carter. He was actually an accidental candidate. The logical
one for 1976 was Ted Kennedy, but the Chappaquidick tragedy had done him in.
The other logical candidate was Hubert Humphrey, who with his minuses also
brought many plusses, including what it meant to be a New Deal/Great Society
Democrat. However,
bladder cancer intervened and we were left with Jimmy. It is notable that
even in the post-Nixon, post-other-Republican scandals, Carter is principally
remembered for just two things: presiding over the development of the Camp David
Accords that brought peace between The
DLC grew out of the era of the Carter Presidency. It developed on the one
hand in response the anti-Vietnam War movement both within and without the Party
that bore a major responsibility for the nomination of Sen. McGovern. On
the other hand it developed in response to the identity-group politics that the
Senator surely did not foster or even like very much, but whose constituents
were instrumental in gaining the nomination for him. And they dominated
the then-liberal wing of the Party. At that point, in the midst of the
Reagan Presidency that was clearly taking the country to the Right, Democratic
Party reform could have gone either to the Left, developing a New Deal-successor
overarching public-service philosophy or to the Right. The
DLC took it to the Right. In a posture that it still holds to today, they
stood for two principal principles: in order to get elected in our public
persona we have to look as much like Republicans as possible, except that
we’re nicer, and we have to play “small ball,” not in the sense that those
hateful single-issues that those very loud identity groups do, but in the sense
that we have to go with issues at the secondary and tertiary levels of
importance, preferably ones that won’t offend very many people who
traditionally oppose us (although they may offend traditional Democrats) when we
put them forth. The
DLC in fact had as a basic premise one that stands at the center of Religious
Right Republicanism, so famously put by Bill Clinton in one of his most
memorable State of the Union addresses: “The era of big government is over.”
And so the DLC took, and takes, the position which is at the center of
contemporary far right Republicanism. The functions of government are to
be as limited as possible in doing the people’s business, infra-structure,
health care, environment, public services, education, economic regulation, and
etc., as “strong” as possible when it comes to oppression and repression and
military might. The government’s role in suppressing freedom of thought
and personal action, so dear to the hearts of the Religious Right, the DLC just
ignores. Following
in importance the two positions on whether we should actually have a
Constitutional Democracy or a government by “Unitary Executive” (read
dictatorship) running the country, the biggest difference between the Georgite
Republican Party and the traditional Democratic Party in fact is over the role
of government. The Georgite Republicans, as I have written in this space
many times, want to, in the immortal words of Grover Norquist referring to all
the kinds of governmental functions called for by the Preamble to the
Constitution, “shrink government to the size of a bathtub and then drown it in
the bath tub.” The DLC’s only President, Bill Clinton, functionally
agreed with this view, as he said, although he would not use Norquist’s
rhetoric. Traditional Democrats beg to differ. We look to the Constitution
and its Preamble*, which sets forth a broad and strong role for the Federal
government in running the affairs of the nation as a whole. And
so, we currently face this divide in the country, on Constitutional government
to begin with, then on the role of government, then on the Iraq War, then on the
drive to divide and conquer with homophobia, misogyny, racism, and etc. The DLC
surely does not endorse extreme Georgite positions on all of these matters.
But they consistently try to find a “middle ground,” as on abortion rights,
where there clearly is none. On foreign policy for example, the DLC has
just come out with a book entitled With All Our Might. Our
colleague Michael Carmichael has said of it: “Nowhere does the DLC volume
present a serious critique of Bush administration foreign policy failures.
Quite the contrary, the authors would have the Democratic Party default to the
PNAC (Project for the New American Century, read ‘neo-con’) positions on
virtually every point of defense, military and foreign policy.”
Further, according to Michael the authors of the book spend a lot more time
attacking fellow Democrats than they do attacking the Georgites. Once
again, on the War, on global warming, on other ravagings of the environment,
health care, education, civil rights, civil wrongs, sexuality rights, on the
nature of the Republican Party itself, in the context that Bush’s poll ratings
are in the toilet, the question is asked “Why Don’t the Democrats?”
The first answer is because there is no THE Democrats. The Party is
obviously split, and I am hardly the first observer to come to that conclusion.
The question then is obviously “what do we do now?” I will be getting
to a consideration of that one in future columns in this series. But let
me conclude this one with the briefest examinations of why this is so. Why
does the DLC do what it does? Are they stupid, or abstruse, or just plain
shortsighted? In my view none of the above. First
and most important, they actually like many of the Georgite
polices, especially in the economic and military and even foreign policy arenas.
Why? As David Sirota says in his new book, Hostile Takeover: How Big Money and Corruption
Conquered Our Government--and How We Take It Back, (quoting here
from the BuzzFlash promo for the book), “If the opposition party becomes part
of the corporate consensus, in effect part of a hostile takeover, then you have
an entire political system where ordinary people’s interests are not even
being represented in the debate, much less in public policy. . . . the middle
and working class in Next
the DLC seems to really believe, despite what the polls tell them, that there is
some vast electoral middle out there when it comes to Georgite policy and plans
for the country. Third they focus on how they think the
Democratic Party can win electorally using this issue or that, not
using that other issue or this, rather than first on why the
Democratic Party should win, then going on to the “how.” Certain
leading DLCers are actually saying “gee, maybe it would be better if we lost
the mid-term elections so that we would have a better chance of winning (electorally)
in 2008,” ignoring what further substantive harms will come to country and
Constitutional government under another two years of total control of the
Federal government by the Republican Religious Right and the Georgites. As
I said above, to be continued. __________
*
Preamble: We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect
Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common
defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the
United States of America. ________________ Dr. Steven Jonas is a contributing author for The Political Junkies
(www.thepoliticaljunkies.net).
He is a
Professor of Preventive Medicine at Stony Brook University (NY) and
author/co-author of over twenty books. Dr. Jonas is one of He
is also the author of The 15% Solution: A Political History of American
Fascism, 2001-2022. Under the pseudonym "Jonathan
Westminster" this book was originally published in 1996. It was
republished with a New Introduction in 2004. Under Georgite rule, the
“fictional non-fiction” scenario of this work of “future history” is,
most unfortunately, becoming all too real, now almost day-by-day. The 2004 edition is
available at www.barnesandnoble.com
(search with the book title) and www.xlibris.com
(click on “Bookstore,” then “Search” with the title). Both
versions are available at www.amazon.com (go
to "Books;" search with the title). Dr. Jonas is also a Contributing Editor for the Weblog http://planetmove.blogspot.com/,
produced by The Planetary Movement Ltd. UK (http://www.planetarymovement.org/), TPJ's
own Michael Carmichael, President and Chief Executive Officer, a
Contributing Columnist for the Project for the Old American Century, POAC, http://www.oldamericancentury.org/, on which his
TPJ columns appear regularly, and a columnist for the webmagazine BuzzFlash ((http://www.buzzflash.com/) on which short(er)
Commentaries are published once a week or so.. By invitation, Dr. J's TPJ
columns are also posted periodically on the weblog Thomas Paine's Corner (http://civillibertarian.blogspot.com/).
2006 Jan
26, 2006 "George
Bush And The Doctrine Of Original Intent"
Nov
25, 2005 “The Future Of The Democratic Party, VII: ‘The Ten Commitments’” Oct
27, 2005 “The
Future of the Democratic Party, IV: Sept
29, 2005 "The
Bush Flood, And The Georgites: New Orleans, III" Aug
25,2005 "Some
Thoughts On The Atomic Bombing Of Japan" July
28, 2005
“Iran
Nukes, Revisited" June
23, 2005 "Why
All Of This Repression Abroad?" May
26, 2005 "Pat Buchanan's 'What If?'" April
28, 2005 "The
Schiavo Case, IV: The Definitions Of Life And Death" March
31, 2005 “John
Bolton And The Nuclear Option" February
24, 2005 "Going
Nuclear In Iran" Jan
27, 2005
“Comparing
George W. Bush And Adolf Hitler” Dec
30, 2004
“The
‘Unless’ of the ‘Coming Second Civil War’ Series, Part I” Oct
28, 2004
Why
The Patriot Act?” Sept
30, 2004
“Four
800 Lb. Gorillas In The Campaign Room” July
29, 2004
“Some
Thoughts For and About The Kerry Campaign, IV” May
27, 2004
“On
Fascism -- And The Georgites” April
29, 2004
“On
George Bush and Religion, Part 2” March
25, 2004
“Brief
Essays” February
27, 2004 “On
Doctor Dean” |
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